July 14, 2017
The people fighting the world’s harshest abortion law
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July 12, 2017
Teen Abortions Surged In Texas After Republicans Defunded Planned Parenthood
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NEW YORK ― Republicans are trying to find a way to defund Planned Parenthood as part of an overall effort to limit abortion in America. But doing so had the opposite effect in Texas, according to a new study based on research from Texas A&M University.
The study, conducted by economics professor Analisa Packham (now at Miami University), shows that in the first three years after Texas Republicans slashed the family planning budget in 2011 and shut down more than 80 women’s health clinics, the abortion rate among teenagers in the state rose 3 percent over what it would have been had the clinics remained open. After cutting Planned Parenthood out of the state’s subsidized women’s health program, then-Gov. Rick Perry (R) said his “goal” was to “ensure abortions are as rare as possible under existing law.” But the move actually interfered with an overall downward trend in abortions in Texas.
“This certainly isn’t the way to have fewer abortions,” said Dr. Diane Horvath-Cosper, an OB-GYN in Maryland and an advocate with Physicians for Reproductive Health. “The abortion rates nationally have decreased and are at a historic low. So for Texans to see an increase in adolescent abortions is really telling ― it seemed to have followed the national trend until these clinics were defunded.”
The greatest rises in abortion rates occurred in rural areas, where access to affordable family planning care was already scarce. In Gregg County, where the local health center lost 60 percent of its family planning funding, the abortion rate increased by 191 percentbetween 2012 and 2014. The Austin American-Statesman reported that at least five counties in East Texas also saw “considerable increases” in abortions over that two-year period.
The overall abortion rate in the state dropped 14 percent between 2013 and 2016 ― but this was largely because in some low-income rural areas, like the Rio Grande Valley, women would have had to drive over 100 miles to find the nearest safe and legal abortion provider. Those women either had to seek out unsafe, do-it-yourself procedures or simply have babies they didn’t want or couldn’t afford.
President Donald Trump and the Republicans in control of Congress now want to “defund” Planned Parenthood nationwide by preventing Medicaid recipients ― who account for more than half of Planned Parenthood’s patients ― from going there for birth control and cancer screenings.
The Congressional Budget Office estimates this would cause 15 percent of women in rural areas to lose access to family planning care entirely, which in turn would lead to more unplanned pregnancies and likely more abortions.
Studies show that 40 percent of unintended pregnancies end in abortion, so cutting access to birth control is not the way to reduce the overall abortion rate.
Only a few moderate Republicans, like Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), seem to understand the flaw in this plan.
“If you’re serious about trying to reduce the number of abortions,” Collins told reporters in March, “the best way to do that is to make family planning more widely available.”
July 12, 2017
What It’s Like Helping Strangers Through Abortions in Rural Canada
Posted by laurasmith20200 under Abortion Information | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, reproductive rights |Leave a Comment
As an abortion doula serving rural areas in Canada where reproductive options are limited, I know it’s not easy getting people the healthcare they need.
Abortion access in the Maritimes has long been among the most restricted in Canada. Abortion services only became available on the Canadian Province Prince Edward Islands (PEI) in January 2017. Women there used to have to travel to New Brunswick or Nova Scotia to receive services. New Brunswick also had restrictive policies in place, and only recently made it easier for women to access the health care they need. With low access, some women have turned to abortion doulas for help.
Before I started abortion support, I had heard about people needing abortions from Prince Edward Island and making their way to Halifax, the capital of Nova Scotia. I just didn’t believe it. This can’t actually be a thing, right? We have universal healthcare: We can’t have a province that doesn’t offer it. Yet it was true. Really, that’s what started it.
I have been a birth doula since 2006, and I started abortion doula support in 2012. Abortion doulas don’t do anything medical, and don’t give medical advice or medical intervention. But what they do provide is emotional and physical support. That means going with you to doctor’s appointments, having water available, having information, or at least knowing where to get information… meeting at the park for an hour and having a chat, or just a ten-minute phone call. We are often just there as somebody who is not bringing any emotional attachment to the experience. We’re just there for you.
We hear from many people: “I could never tell my family what is going on. Thank you so much for being there. I just didn’t want to tell anybody.” This one person contacted us and said, “I don’t want to tell anybody. I don’t want anybody to find out, but I need a ride and somebody to pick me up. We got a volunteer who picked them up and drove them to the hospital. When it was time to pick them up, they had felt comfortable enough—because the volunteer had just been so lovely and understanding and didn’t make them feel they were wrong for making that choice—to call their sister and telling them. Then their sister came and picked them up afterward. It’s so lovely to think that all it took was one person to give that unconditional support. Like, oh, if that person can give it to me, maybe I can trust my sister.
When I first started Maritime Abortion Support Services back in 2012, we really worked closely with advocacy groups from Prince Edward Island, meeting people halfway at Confederation Bridge and driving them into Halifax. Then we would drive them back to the bridge and somebody from Prince Edward Island would come pick them up. You also can’t leave the hospital after an abortion if you do not have a person to take you. They will keep you until the very end of the day.
Then, it morphed into more local people using it—either they do not have support, or they are new to the area. We cover babysitters, rides, going to doctor’s appointments, and we also get money for gas because Halifax is the only major place in Nova Scotia that you can get an abortion performed. There are two of the smaller hospitals, but it is a bit of a labyrinth to get that service. The farthest we’ve traveled is two hours to Confederation Bridge, but certainly, in plain statistics, people coming on their own could be seven or eight hours away.
We talk as Canadians that we have universal healthcare—with air quotes around universal healthcare—but that’s so untrue if you’re a woman or somebody with a uterus. Somehow, if you have a uterus, your medical care can be truncated in some way. Hearts are important, appendixes are important, but oh, your uterus! Not so much. We’re not sure if that counts as universal. It’s not even like they live somewhere rural, and that’s why we can’t get them services.
I did have a mom who called me and she said, “I have older kids. I really don’t want this. I’m in a small town in Nova Scotia. How do I do this?” So we called the largest city near her and contacted the women’s wellness clinic in that city, and they told us—when I said I have a client who needs a termination—”we don’t do that here.” Click. The walk-in clinic for her blood work and ultrasound only takes 25 people, so she may not even get a spot. Are you kidding me? So she’s going to drive two hours to a clinic to maybe not see anybody? There was no reason to put these barriers in this woman’s way. So I had to email her back and say that you can do that, or you can drive into Halifax where a sexual health clinic will do your blood work and ultrasound the day before, but you’ll have to stay overnight in Halifax because it’s a six-hour drive.
So she prepared for that. Luckily she did have older children and didn’t have to worry about babysitting, but she was going to lose a day’s pay. Unfortunately, she spontaneously miscarried at home. It’s things like that that are the hardest. She didn’t need to have all these barriers; they could have been easily overcome. There was no need for her to go through that emotional distress.
For every “holy shit, this was a struggle just to get to Halifax” kind of story, there’s another one where they are like, “That was awesome. Thank you so much for being here.” It was a hard decision for them, but having somebody there for them was just the icing on the cake. I have received thank you cards in the mail. People have sent in money for other people for transportation. There’s an awful lot of good stories where people are so thankful.
Mifegymiso [the two-drug combination pills for abortion] could changeeverything for people when it comes to reproductive care. People who live in small towns here in Nova Scotia could just go to their pharmacy, or maybe make one appointment to see their doctor, and then go home and have their abortion in the privacy of their own home. But they’re doing two things with the regulations.
One is that you can only take Mifegymiso within 49 days of pregnancy. Few people even know they’re pregnant before six weeks.
Two, you have to be within 62 miles of a physician. For some people, this could be a life-changer, and for some of those people, a physician isn’t within 62 miles. And that’s supposed to be the point of the pill.
Here in Nova Scotia, I actually don’t know anyone who managed to get Mifegymiso. The regulations around it are so onerous. I don’t know any doctors right now who even have it. I know Halifax Sexual Health Centre has every intention of dispensing it, but again, we need a pharmacist who also steps up.
Our doctors and pharmacists have to go through special training. Doctors don’t often jump at the chance to take new training. If they are thinking, I’m going to take this training, but I’m only going to see three people a year, is it worth it? Is it worth it to carry this medication and I’m never going to use it? Then what if it goes bad, that’s really expensive. Pharmacists are thinking the same thing.
It’s hard being from a smaller province and not having the large population centers. In Nova Scotia, almost everybody who is not in Halifax is rural. [After taking Mifegymiso], you have to come back to the doctor for multiple visits. So again, if getting to the doctor is the hurdle, and you had to drive five hours or take a plane, now you have to come back in two weeks? How is that working for people? It’s a little mind-boggling.
One of the biggest kickers is that this has been approved in France since 1988. France and China have both been using this for many, many years, as have many other countries, including the US. That’s like 30 years of good, useful data, to show you the efficacy of these drugs. You don’t need all of these safeguards because it’s an incredibly safe procedure. For whatever reason, Health Canada has decided that it’s going to put these rules and regulations in place. I’m not sure why.
It’s hard not to see that through a gendered lens because the medications aren’t for anybody else except for people who can get pregnant.
My first two abortion doula workshops sold out. I have two more abortion workshops in August. The first one sold out, so I added another one. It’s open to anyone. I make a point that you don’t have to have doula experience to do this because you use some of those skills, but you are learning a whole new set of skills.
I have gotten some lovely feedback. One of my trainees, she told me, “I’ve never actually used it at an abortion clinic, but I use it at work all the time.” She used it in her day-to-day life. These are skills that are transferrable. I had a teacher who said, “This is going to be helpful in the classroom.” A nursing student said, “I will use these every day.” And doulas, “This is amazing, something that I can add to my repertoire.”
It means a lot to me to see the new doula trainees, to see their faces. They’re so excited. It makes your heart just burst. It’s wonderful.
The abortion support is just so fulfilling. Some people go to church—I am a radical feminist. This sustains my soul, to do reproductive justice work. I think, I made a difference in that person’s life, an immediate difference, and that’s pretty spectacular.
July 11, 2017
How To Support Kentucky’s Last Remaining Abortion Clinic Right Now
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In recent months, states across the county have ramped up efforts to create heightened restrictions on abortion access. The stakes are especially high in Kentucky, where the last remaining abortion clinic, the EMW Women’s Surgical Center in Louisville, faces the threat of closure after the state claimed that the clinic’s agreements with hospital and ambulance services contained technical deficiencies.
If the state’s efforts are successful, Kentucky would be the first surgical-abortion-free state in the United States. The impact could be detrimental for women across the state.
“Kentucky for a long time was not on the policy radar,” said Elizabeth Nash, who tracks state abortion legislation for the Guttmacher Institute, in an interview with the New York Times. “Now Kentucky is following the model of Texas and Ohio, where they are adopting restrictions or making it very difficult to keep clinic doors open.”
Kentucky is one of seven states — along with North Dakota, South Dakota, Missouri, Mississippi, Wyoming, and West Virginia — with only one abortion provider. In 1978, there were 17 abortion providers in the state.
The state’s Republican governor, Matt Bevin, has been vocal about his attempts to limit abortion access in the state, even dubbing himself an “unapologetically pro-life individual.” Earlier this year, he signed a bill banning abortion after 20 weeks and blocked a Planned Parenthood clinic from performing abortions. In January, EMW Women’s Clinic in Lexington was forced to close after facing a lengthy legal battle with the state over its licensing. As the case dragged on, the clinic couldn’t afford to stay open without seeing patients and the landlord opted not to renew the lease. The Louisville clinic is the only one that remains open in the state.
On July 11, Women to the Front, a progressive action group, will host a fundraiser for EMW. All proceeds from the event, which includes “badass rocker babes, irresistible El Diablo tacos, one-of-a-kind raffle items, a silent auction, and Brooklyn’s finest cocktails,” will go toward escalating legal fees and other urgently needed funds for the Louisville clinic.
The fundraiser will take place from 7-10 p.m. at Union Pool (484 Union Ave, Brooklyn, New York) and feature sets from Breanna Barbara and NYC-based band Roya, led by Rahill Jamalifard and Alix Brown. Tickets can be bought online for $18.
For those outside the New York area, there are myriad other ways to support Kentucky’s last abortion clinic.
1. Donate to Women to the Front’s GoFundMe page.
So far, the page has raised $2,245 of their total goal of $3,500.
2. Reach out to elected officials.
If you want to make a difference, let your elected officials know these are not the types of policies that you want or support.
“This fits into the national picture, making sure that that we stand up and are heard and we take away the shame and stigma related to abortion, and tell our elected officials wherever we live that these are not the policies that we want,” Brigitte Amiri, Senior Staff Attorney for the ACLU Reproductive Freedom Project, tells Bustle. “Everyone should be able to make the best decisions for themselves and their families.”
3. Assist the escorts who help women in and out of the facility.
Louisville Clinic Escort volunteers are vital in ensuring people seeking an abortion can enter the clinic, especially as anti-abortion protestors shout slurs and try to prevent women from seeking the procedure. The volunteers accompany people to the clinic’s doors while practicing deescalation and promoting normalization of abortion access. You can donate to the escorts hereor volunteer to escort if you live in Kentucky.
4. Rally together for EMW.
In April, and in response to its possible closure, hundreds rallied in support of the clinic. Throngs of people came together with signs like “Keep abortion legal in Kentucky” and “#Resist.” But, like the New York City fundraiser, these types of rallies don’t have to be local — you can organize a rally of support across the country.
“With just one clinic to care for the women in need of abortion services, the forced closure of EMW will have devastating consequences for women in Kentucky,” said attorney Don Cox in an interview with the ACLU. “The state is hiding behind sham justifications when its true intent is to shut down this clinic and prevent a woman from making a real decision about her pregnancy.”
EMW’s Women’s Surgical Center, a privately owned facility staffed by board-certified Obstetricians and Gynecologists, was established in 1980. Approximately 80 percent of abortions are performed in the first trimester, and the facility currently provides both medical and surgical abortions, according to the legal complaint.
Nationwide, less than 0.3 percent of abortion patients experience a complication requiring hospitalization on the day of the abortion — and the rates are even lower at EMW.
The ACLU filed a lawsuit, EMW v. Glisson, to challenge the facility’s closure and block what they consider to be unnecessary and unconstitutional state laws. They argue the lawsuit mimics last June’s Supreme Court case of Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt. According to that decision, centered on a Texas law, it is unconstitutional to require business arrangements with a hospital, because it serves no medical purpose and poses major harm to women.
Amiri says that she considers the state’s grounds for closure to be TRAP laws, or laws that single out abortion providers and impose requirements that are more burdensome than those imposed on other medical practices. For instance, the state wants to revoke EMW’s license because their written agreement with a local hospital was signed by the head of the hospital’s head of the Department of Obstetrics, Gynecology and Women’s Health, and the government claims it needed to be signed by someone higher up at the hospital.
“We think such a requirement is blatantly unconstitutional in the face of the Supreme Court’s decision last June,” she says. “This is the same type of business arrangement with a hospital that serves no medical justification but instead significantly burdens patients’ access to abortion and even more so in the case of Kentucky than in Texas because in Kentucky the last clinic would we shut down, effectively banning abortion in the entire state.”
In April, a federal court issued an order to allow EMW to remain open while the state challenges the clinic’s agreements with local hospital and ambulance service. The temporary restraining order will remain in effect until a final judgment is declared for the case. The trial starts on Sept. 6.
https://www.bustle.com/p/how-to-support-kentuckys-last-remaining-abortion-clinic-right-now-69238
July 11, 2017
Melinda Gates attacks Donald Trump’s foreign aid policy on women’s rights to contraception
Posted by laurasmith20200 under Abortion Information | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, birth control, reproductive rights |Leave a Comment
The philanthropist, who is personally against abortion, spoke against new restrictions on the Republican policy
July 10, 2017
HERE’S WHY THEY CALL HER THE ABORTION HACKER
Posted by laurasmith20200 under Abortion Information | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, reproductive rights |[2] Comments
July 10, 2017
How bitter herbs and botched abortions kill three women a day in the Philippines
Posted by laurasmith20200 under Abortion Information | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, reproductive rights |Leave a Comment
Next to an imposing statue depicting a foetus clasped in the hands of Christ, stalls offer an array of rosary beads, amulets, mangoes and songbirds. Here, the abortion pill misoprostol is on sale for just $5 (£3.90), as well as the herb pamparegla, which can induce menstruation and end pregnancy. All this goes on in the shadows of the largest Catholic church in Manila.
The irony is not lost on women’s rights activists who want legal access to abortion.
Marevic Parcon has been called an abortion cheerleader. It’s no understatement. In a country with an outright ban on the procedure and conservative views on contraception, she is defiant in the face of criticism.
“I mean, why not? Is it shameful? At the end of the day abortion is about human rights,” she says. “No matter how much they deny the existence of abortion in the country, it’s happening under their noses.”
Parcon is programme coordinator at the Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR). “If you are for women’s rights, it is inevitable to talk about sexual and reproductive health and rights. And you cannot talk about sexual and reproductive health without talking about abortion rights.”
Her views don’t go down well in a country where more than 80% of the population are Catholic and the church holds tremendous sway.
Such conservative attitudes kept an act granting universal access to family planning at bay for 14 years.
More than 65% of women don’t use modern contraceptives, and maternal mortality rates are still high in the Philippines, standing at 114 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2015.
It was the efforts of women like Parcon that eventually helped drive the law over the line. The Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive HealthAct – also referred to as RH law – was finally passed in 2012.
“This whole culture of patriarchy controls women’s bodies. Women … should be able to exercise their own sexuality and they should be able to enjoy sex,” says Parcon, who has been on the frontline of women’s rights activism for more than 20 years.
Although it’s against the law to end a pregnancy in the Philippines, an estimated 610,000 abortions take place every year.
It’s an open secret that methods are available, albeit unsafe ones.
As well as the herbs and medicines on offer at Quiapo, women who want to end unplanned pregnancies have their stomachs massaged hard every day for a week, in the hope of inducing abortion.
“It is horrific. It is tantamount to torture,” says Parcon. “Unsafe abortion is torturous to women, especially the massage kind, because it is so painful.”
Others resort to barbaric methods such as inserting barbecue sticks or coathangers into their womb, or throwing themselves down the stairs. Three women die every day from post-abortion complications in the Philippines.
The job of campaigning for women’s reproductive health and rights there is tough. But it’s about to get tougher. Although the work of Parcon’s organisation, WGNRR, is not funded by the US, Donald Trump’s decision to reinstate the Mexico City policy, also known as the “global gag rule”, will bolster her opponents.
The gag rule bans foreign aid to international healthcare providers who discuss abortion or advocate abortion rights.
“It will definitely make it more difficult for any reproductive health NGO,” says Parcon.
“When you talk about reproductive health you will always touch on abortion. The global gag rule says that even the mere mention of abortion is not allowed. It is a challenge – a big, big challenge. But it’s not something we should be afraid of.”
On paper the Philippines looks like it’s making progress on upholding women’s rights. In 2009 the Magna Carta of Women was introduced, promising to “eliminate discrimination against women by recognising, protecting, fulfilling and promoting the rights of Filipino women”. The country has also ratified the Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (Cedaw).
But the fight over the introduction of the reproductive health law clearly showed that the country still has a long way to go.
“Everything was reduced to the debate of whether or not contraception was [causing abortion] … [but] how can you enjoy life if you have 12 kids?” asks Parcon.
There are other hurdles ahead: the supply of contraceptives is poor, and legal challenges from religious groups are blocking distribution of the contraceptive implant.
But Parcon remains positive.
“My hope is that one day Filippino women can say ‘abortion’ and that there’s no shame in the word. Before, we couldn’t even have this conversation. But right now we are having it, so there is hope.”
July 9, 2017
Inside a Class for Abortion Doulas
Posted by laurasmith20200 under Abortion Information | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, reproductive rights |[7] Comments
A woman waiting for an abortion in Texas in 2016. Ilana Panich-Linsman for the Washington Post/Getty
The first group in Colorado to offer training in how to help someone through the process of ending a pregnancy.
Traditionally, a doula is someone who is there to offer you emotional support during your pregnancy, as you give birth, and sometimes in the postpartum period. She (most doulas, though not all, are women) is not a medical practitioner, but a hand-holder, a confidante, and an advocate.
Pregnant people certainly need and deserve that kind of support—whether they keep the pregnancy or not. And that’s where “full-spectrum” doulas come in.
A full-spectrum doula accompanies clients through abortions the same way she would accompany them through birth. She can answer basic questions about the procedure and correct any misinformation the client might have, but her most important job is to be there for her client in the most vulnerable moment. An abortion doula might hold clients’ hands through the procedure, make conversation to distract them from discomfort, and join them in the recovery room afterward, offering heating pads for cramps and talking through whatever emotions they’re experiencing. These are intense, complicated, often physically difficult experiences. It helps to know you’re not going through them alone.
“It’s important to think of all of these experiences of reproduction—birth, postpartum, miscarriage, still birth, pregnancy, menstruation, menopause, adoption, abortion, fertility, contraception, family building, and planning, I could go on and on—as inherently linked,” says Skylar Van Steemburg, co-owner of Denver’s Luna Doulas. “A joyous or traumatic abortion experience might affect how, when, and if a person decides to be a parent.”
That’s why Van Steemburg, along with her cohort of birth workers and reproductive justice advocates in the Colorado Doula Project, decided to organize Colorado’s first formal abortion doula training.
A group of nearly 50 women and non-binary people convened at the University of Colorado Denver’s Tivoli Student Union last weekend for the training. The Colorado Doula Project has been working for close to two years to produce this event. It’s been both a long journey and a frantic sprint. The group spent more than a year trying to engage another doula project to come to Denver and run the training, but more and more logistical hurdles presented themselves.
“And then we were talking about it, and someone said, well, we have all this knowledge and training. Why don’t we do it ourselves?” recalls Gina Martinez Valentín, a birth doula and core member of the CDP.
“We hit so many dead ends,” says Piper Bonacquist, another core member, over lunch on the first day of training. “It almost hasn’t sunk in yet that this is reality.”
The group’s progress from “someone should do this” to “actually, we can do this” reflects a common narrative in reproductive justice advocacy. When law and custom impedes—or is simply indifferent to—reproductive choice, women and trans people step up and get it done. A well-known example of this kind of initiative is the Jane Collective, which started as an illegal abortion referral service before Roe v. Wade but ultimately learned to perform the procedures themselves. More recently, Women on Waves has been providing abortions in international waters for those who can’t get them legally at home. The same spirit imbues the informal global network of people exchanging detailed information online about how to procure the pills for a medication abortion. These resources have always existed, alongside or in defiance of officially sanctioned channels.
Formalized training for the role of abortion doula dates back only ten years, to the inception of the Doula Project in New York City. Founded by three birth workers and reproductive choice advocates, the Doula Project is now a permanent presence at three Planned Parenthoods and one private clinic in the city.
“Everybody deserves compassionate support,” says Sarah McCarry, a Doula Project spokesperson. “Abortion is still extremely stigmatized. We acknowledge that it can be a complicated decision and people can need emotional support and that doesn’t mean it’s the wrong choice.”
At the Colorado Doula Project’s training, the organizers and participants are discussing these issues when I arrive to observe. Van Steemburg and her Luna Doulas co-owner, Sierra Shaffer, lead the group of trained birth workers, abortion rights activists, and interested newcomers through a series of hypotheticals: Would they be able to doula for a client who has had multiple abortions? For someone who is addicted to drugs? Someone who speaks a different language? Someone who is being pressured by their partner to end their pregnancy? A minor?
The participants acknowledge that some of these scenarios would challenge them. “I don’t know if I know enough to offer the kind of support someone with a drug addiction needs,” one says. “I might not be the best person to help them.”
Shaffer, one of the Colorado Doula Project’s core members and a facilitator of the training, reminds the trainees that a doula’s job is not to know everything. “We can walk with people as a partner, not as a guide,” she says. Van Steemburg and Shaffer both repeat this phrase several times throughout the exercise: “We meet people where they are.”
Some of the trainees are longtime Colorado Doula Project members or supporters, while some are new to the concept of full-spectrum doula care. Many are drawn to this work because of personal experiences. Martinez Valentín has no regrets about keeping her unplanned pregnancy at 22, but the ostracization she faced as a young single parent made her realize that women’s reproductive choices are all too often stigmatized.
“I was young and terrified and in need of support, but in my church I was being looked down on and being embarrassed for making the choice everyone said was the right thing to do,” she says, “Now I have a daughter who’s 19, and I will take to the streets for her to be able to access birth control and abortion.”
Melissa, a trainee who preferred I not use her last name, terminated a pregnancy at 17. “It was kind of a fairy-tale abortion,” she recalls. “I had all the emotional support I needed, and I know most people don’t get that.” Melissa hopes that volunteering as an abortion doula will allow her to share her experience of being validated during a vulnerable time.
Laura Elsie realized there was a gap in her skill set when she supported a friend through an abortion in college: “I wanted to help her, but I didn’t really have the resources I needed.”
After receiving abortion doula training, these women can volunteer at clinics and Planned Parenthood—where their services are always needed—but they can also console a loved one through ending a pregnancy. “It’s a skill set that’s good for anyone who knows people who could potentially be pregnant to have,” says Martinez Valentin.
While a directory of doula projects lists around 20 organizations offering abortion support in the United States, the number of trained volunteers is obviously dwarfed by the hundreds of thousands of abortions obtained annually. Since pretty much everyone alive knows someone who has had or will someday have an abortion, a weekend spent learning to help them seems like a worthwhile investment even for someone who doesn’t plan to become a regular volunteer.
The domination of the federal government by anti-abortion Republicans has made this project seem especially urgent. Martinez Valentín says the CDP was overwhelmed by the response when it announced the training. The CDP was determined to make it more affordable than most Doula training, and offered a sliding scale so that a spot cost as little as $1. As a result, the training was filled to capacity almost immediately, and people sign up for the wait list for the next (as yet unscheduled) training every day.
“In this political climate, people really want to do something,” says Martinez Valentín. “I think we’re going to see a lot more kind of guerrilla organizations like this that are offering things without waiting for a federally funded program to do it.”
“You look around and it’s like, what the fuck can I do?” says Bonacquist. “This is something we can do. We can make one person’s life a little better.”
July 9, 2017
Northern Irish abortion ban forces woman to give birth to baby 15 weeks after learning of fatal defect
Posted by laurasmith20200 under Abortion Information | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, reproductive rights |1 Comment
‘I couldn’t grieve for my little girl while I could feel her kicking inside me’
Ashleigh and her husband Geoff now have a healthy one-year-old daughter, Robyn Ashleigh Topley
July 8, 2017
Defunding Planned Parenthood didn’t reduce the number of abortions in Texas
Posted by laurasmith20200 under Abortion Information | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, reproductive rights |1 Comment
In 2011, the Texas State Legislature reduced the family planning budget by 67 percent, which resulted in more than 80 closures of family planning clinics. This policy change was motivated by a desire to defund Planned Parenthood and to reduce abortions.
But recent research shows that defunding Planned Parenthood’s family planning clinics in Texas has not had its intended effect. The evidence suggests that these anti-abortion efforts backfired and actually interfered with a positive, downward trend in abortions. The defunding also increased teen childbearing and made it more difficult for women to obtain preventative care.
A recent study focusing on teenagers, conducted at Texas A&M University by Analisa Packham, suggests that these efforts actually led to more abortions than would otherwise have been performed. Over the first three years, defunding the clinics led to 3.1 percent more abortions than if the clinics had been open. This didn’t reverse an overall downward trend in abortions, but slowed down that progress. These estimates are based on a comparison of abortion rates in Texas to abortion rates in other states that were on similar trajectories from 2005 to 2010.
Packham also finds that these funding cuts increased teen childbearing by 3.4 percent over four years.
Yao Lu from the Analysis Group and David Slusky from the University of Kansas have also investigated this episode of funding cuts in a recent study. Using an estimation strategy that compared Texas counties that were more severely affected by closures to those that were less affected, they find that an increase of 100 miles to the nearest women’s health clinic results in a 1.2 percent increase in the birth rate.
In an earlier study, Lu and Slusky found that clinic closures have significant impacts on women’s use of preventative care, reducing clinical breast exams, mammograms, and pap tests.
These findings might come as a surprise to those who supported the funding cuts and to those who support further efforts to deprive Planned Parenthood of resources by targeting their family planning clinics. But they shouldn’t.
Yes, Planned Parenthood operates abortion clinics. The group also operates family planning clinics, which are not the same as abortion clinics. Family planning clinics do not perform abortions and they are prohibited from transferring funds to affiliated abortion clinics.
Family planning clinics provide contraceptives. As such, they play a critical role in preventing unintended pregnancy, which is critical to reducing abortion. This is why defunding Planned Parenthood’s family planning clinics is at odds with the pro-life mission.
Support for family planning clinics — even those operated by Planned Parenthood — should be bipartisan.






