Our vision for a healthy, thriving society—with access to and support for the health care we need—requires it.

Over the past several years, the country has seen a steady drumbeat of bad news out of state capitols when it comes to reproductive health and rights. That trend continued in 2017, as conservatives possessed historic control over state legislative chambers nationwide.

The good news: There’s now widespread recognition of the power of states and the need to channel resistance efforts toward reclaiming progressive control from the ground up. State leaders are pushing back against the Trump administration’s agenda on a variety of fronts, and women are at the center of these efforts. As progressives rebuild, and as debates that ought to be settled threaten to resurface, we must make sure that the voices of those most affected by anti-choice efforts are heard—and that reproductive autonomy continues to be a central tenet of the progressive agenda. As the director of the State Innovation Exchange’s (SiX) new Reproductive Rights Program, I’m committed to making this goal a reality.

Conservatives’ drive to roll back reproductive rights is nothing new. States have been laboratories for testing anti-abortion policies for decades. But since 2010, conservatives have accrued a historic number of state legislative majorities, and anti-abortion legislation is at a fever pitch. In 2017 alone, 1,257 provisionsrelated to reproductive health were introduced at the state level. And since 2010, state legislators have enacted more than 350 abortion restrictions across the country. Restrictions have included unnecessary clinic regulations intended to shut down providers, biased counseling requirements, mandatory delays before receiving care, and more.

This avalanche of abortion restrictions at the state level was no mistake. It was a calculated, purposeful strategy driven by national anti-abortion organizations capitalizing on well-funded conservative state legislators. When conservatives won back so many majorities in 2010, they were prepared to act—thanks to a years-long financial investment to the tune of hundreds of millions of dollars from huge donors like the Koch brothers. Republicans’ party platform has explicitly called for a constitutional amendment outlawing abortion, and they now control more than 30 governorships, the majority of state attorney general offices, and two-thirds of all state legislative chambers. The consequences are clear.

The effect of conservatives’ try-everything strategy extends well beyond the impact of the policies themselves. Even when abortion restrictions don’t pass, legislators learn from them. State lawmakers who push these restrictions gain real-time feedback on how to message them from their constituents, the press, and their colleagues. They learn who their legislative allies and opponents are—and how strongly they will or will not fight back. They also learn whether and how the media will cover their efforts, and they can gauge the public’s willingness to accept junk science and outrageous claims. Additionally, the sheer volume of abortion restrictions and the resulting media coverage contribute to a culture of abortion stigma.

And though the results are expensive and outrageous, state legislators who repeatedly introduce restrictive legislation learn how to better advance their anti-women agenda. They become part of a pipeline of elected officials who know how to enact these restrictions. In fact, some of Congress’ leading proponents of criminalizing abortion, like U.S. Reps. Trent Franks (R-AZ) and Matt Gaetz (R-FL), began their careers pushing abortion restrictions in their own statehouses.

Meanwhile, progressive legislators have historically been under-resourced and under-supported, lacking training opportunities and access to the messaging and policy resources they need, even though public opinion—not to mention the medical community—is on our side. Seven in ten women and mencontinue to agree that Roe v. Wade, the U.S. Supreme Court case legalizing abortion, should not be overturned, and major medical organizations throughout the country continue to recognize that abortion is health care and ought to be treated as such.

So what can we do to address this gap?

The rebuilding of our state progressive infrastructure and the shoring up of our pipeline of progressive elected leaders must include explicit attention to and training around issues of reproductive health, rights, and justice. State lawmakers and leaders must boldly embrace and understand how crucial these issues are to their constituents’ well-being, and they must articulate how connected reproductive health, rights, and justice are to virtually every other part of the progressive platform. SiX’s new Reproductive Rights Program will prepare legislators for this task by helping them identify and articulate their own values around reproductive freedom, as they learn how to move the conversation beyond the four corners of their statehouse and into the hearts and minds of their communities and constituencies.

From the Stupak amendment during the 2010 health care reform fight, to the rights of D.C. residents, to ongoing debates among Beltway insiders, abortion is historically one of the first issues up for negotiation. Let’s learn from these mistakes and work to holistically incorporate issues of reproductive freedom as we invest in rebuilding our progressive movement from the state and local level up. After all, our vision for a healthy, thriving society—with access to and support for the health care we need—requires it.

https://rewire.news/article/2017/08/10/dont-leave-abortion-rights-rebuilding-state-power/

Western States Center

Oregon has achieved something that seems impossible in the Trump era: With one single piece of legislation, Oregon has protected abortion access, lifted a ban on abortion coverage, and ended restrictions on health coverage based on immigration status. How did the state achieve this? It wasn’t an easy road — but the journey may be helpful for others looking to advance reproductive health in their home states.

As the Gender Justice Program Director at the Western States Center, I know that on a federal level, the landscape for abortion rights looks bleak. The United States has a president who has vowed to appoint anti-abortion judges (who would overturn Roe v. Wade) and has said that women should be punished for having abortions. In the states, a tidal wave of medically unnecessary restrictions on abortion have been passed — 438 new restrictions since 2010 alone — and politicians are not letting up.

Yet despite these challenges, there’s a movement afoot to introduce legislation to advance a proactive policy agenda that strengthens reproductive health care access. In the first six months of 2017, legislators in 49 states and the District of Columbia have introduced 581 pieces of proactive legislation to advance access to reproductive and sexual health care, including abortion.

In some states, these bills face an uphill battle, and it might take years of building power or an electoral shift to see them made into law. But in Oregon, the Western States Center and our coalition partners did more than just dream big — we made our dream come true.

Western States Center

Any day now, Oregon Gov. Kate Brown is expected to sign the Reproductive Health Equity Act (RHEA). RHEA ensures that most Oregonians, regardless of income, citizenship status, gender identity, or type of insurance have access to the full range of preventive reproductive health services, including family planning, abortion, and postpartum care. No one should be forced to pay out of pocket and be pushed to the economic brink by having to pay for necessary care.

We refused to compromise our values or leave people behind.

The journey to this moment began in 2015, with a bold vision and a small but mighty group of advocates. Over time, the Western States Center helped build a diverse coalition united around shared values — like putting the communities most affected by reproductive oppression at the center of our work. At the heart of RHEA is a deep belief that no one should be denied health care just because they are low-income, or transgender, or undocumented.

To some, it might seem politically expedient to exclude certain communities in order to pass a “compromise” bill — but we refused to compromise our values or leave people behind.

View image on Twitter

Part of the success of the Western States Center and our coalition partners’ work can be attributed to the leadership of those living with the harms of reproductive inequity. Women, people of color, immigrants, and transgender and gender-nonconforming people played key roles in informing and executing our strategy.

The political challenges were real, but so was our resolve to stay together.

Leading with race helped us to confront racism and white supremacy. Doing so made our coalition stronger, helped to build our power, and ultimately contributed to getting the bill passed. It was hard work — lots of deep and difficult conversations, but we built relationships that will last a lifetime.

Our definition of success was clear from the start. Improving reproductive health equity in Oregon meant that we had to lift the ban on abortion coverage, so that low-income people could meaningfully access abortion care. It also meant that we had to include undocumented people, who for decades were unfairly singled out and denied health insurance. The political challenges were real, but so was our resolve to stay together.

Western States Center

And we learned something amazing: When you ask for what you want, and refuse to let others drive a wedge to privilege one community over another, you just might win.

My advice for others who have a bold vision for proactive policy in your state? Dream big. Define success by sticking together and seizing on the opportunity to envision, challenge, and fight for reproductive freedom. Ask your communities what they want and need. Confront the dynamics of race and gender within activist spaces. And keep fighting, because the moment requires us to rise up and fight for our values and the world we want to live in.

What’s next for Oregon? Now that we’ve won, we’ll have to fight to keep and effectively implement RHEA. If the attempts by congressional leadership and Trump to repeal Obamacare teach us anything, it’s that we must be ever-vigilant. There are always those who will want to tear down good policies for political points or personal gain.

And our proactive work continues. The Western States Center’s vision for health equity in Oregon is a future where all in our state can get the health care they need and where our families can thrive.

We’ll keep working until we get there, but in the meantime, I’m taking a moment to celebrate this win.

https://www.bustle.com/p/oregons-fight-for-abortion-access-didnt-leave-anyone-behind-75607?utm_content=buffer90ad3&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer

Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall announced Wednesday that the state is appealing a federal judge’s ruling declaring parts of the law unconstitutional.

The 2014 law allowed a district attorney to question the girl and call witnesses to assess her maturity. It also allowed the judge to appoint a representative for the fetus.

Marshall argued the proceedings are confidential and, contrary to the judge’s ruling, did not violate privacy rights.

Under the law, a prosecutor appealed a judge’s decision to allow a 12-year girl to have an abortion after being impregnated by a relative. A state appellate court allowed the abortion.

Source: https://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2017/08/09/us/ap-us-abortion-law-alabama.html

The conservative right is on a mission to immediately pack the federal courts with as many anti-choice judges as they can.

Although President Donald Trump has faltered in fully implementing some of his biggest campaign promises, he has been very good at packing the federal courts with officials that, should they all get confirmed, would change federal law for decades. Perhaps irreversibly. 

Trump has already outpaced both Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama on judicial nominations, with five judges confirmed since January, including Associate Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch. Not surprisingly, those judges exist far outside the legal mainstream. They align far more with the extremism of Justice Clarence Thomas than with the problematically squishy jurisprudence of moderate conservative Justice Anthony Kennedy.

The fifth and latest confirmation happened late last month, when the U.S. Senate confirmed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit Kevin Newsom, a 44-year-old attorney from Alabama who in 2000, wrote a law review article equating the rationale of Roe v. Wade to Dred Scott v. Sandford, the infamous 1857 decision upholding slavery. Here’s the only response needed to that nonsense.

President Barack Obama had nominated federal district court judge Abdul Kallon to fill the vacancy Newsom now occupies. Like Newsom, Kallon was a former partner at the Bradley Arant law firm. Once Kallon was nominated to the Eleventh Circuit, however, Sen. Richard Shelby (R-AL) and then-Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-AL) refused to return “blue slips,” the process in the Senate that advances judicial nominations forward. Without a blue slip, the Senate Judiciary Committee is unable to take any action on the nomination. That means under the Obama administration the seat was left vacant for two years.

 Had Republicans not sat on the Kallon nomination, he would have likely become the first Black judge from Alabama to sit on the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals.

But back to the judge we got for that seat instead. When Newsom wasn’t busy comparing abortion to slavery, after he was hired as Alabama’s solicitor general by fellow arch-conservative and rumored Trump Supreme Court short-lister William Pryor, he advocated aggressively for Alabama’s right to execute people. In 2005, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled executing juveniles unconstitutional; Newsom expressed disagreement with that decision. He would then go on to defend Alabama’s policy of refusing legal counsel to death row inmates looking to challenge their convictions—that’s how strongly he believes in the state’s right to execute people.

Among Trump’s other nominees is Steve Grasz, an attorney currently in private practice focusing on business matters. But Grasz previously served as Nebraska’s chief deputy attorney general, during which he defended a Nebraska statute prohibiting so-called partial-birth abortion at the Supreme Court in Stenberg v. Carhart. 

Grasz lost Stenberg v. Carhart, and the Nebraska law was struck down. Notably, however, Justice Kennedy authored a searing dissent in Stenberg attacking “abortionist” providers and appearing to wholeheartedly buy the myth that “partial-birth abortion” is a medical procedure, rather than an anti-choice marketing term used to outlaw a provably safe method of second-trimester abortions. Republicans in U.S. Congress would ultimately pass a modified version of the law, which the Supreme Court would hold up in 2007 in Gonzales v. Carhart. In his opinion, Justice Kennedy discussed “abortion regret syndrome,” another anti-choice talking point grounded in junk science that has evolved to claims that fetuses feel pain at 20 weeks. Here, Kennedy appeared to be picking up largely on the failed rhetoric advanced by Grasz in Stenberg.

Should he be confirmed, Grasz would sit on the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals where states like Arkansas, Missouri, and South Dakota have either passed or tried to pass dilation and evacuation (D and E) abortion bans. Arkansas passed such a ban, but it is currently blocked by federal court order. If one of the other states passes such a ban, and if a federal court—such as the Eighth Circuit—upholds it, conservatives may have found another pathway to attacking Roe. They are also hoping this kind of legal outcome happens while Justice Kennedy is still on the bench, as his dissent in Stenberg suggests he’s at least open to further banning specific abortion procedures.

This is, sadly, just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the threats Trump’s nominations pose to the federal courts. For example, the Senate last month confirmed former political blogger John Bush for the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals. Bush also has a habit of comparing abortion with slavery, though during his confirmation hearing he tried to distance those statements as “personal views” rather than ones that would influence his decision making while on the bench.

With more than 100 federal court vacancies, reproductive rights advocates have a long road ahead to protect the fundamental right to reproductive autonomy. And it’s likely to only get longer.

https://rewire.news/article/2017/08/08/trumps-latest-judicial-picks-continue-terrible-abortion-rights/

The Texas House of Representatives approved a bill Tuesday — coined as “rape insurance” by its detractors — that would force women to pay a separate health insurance premium to get covered for a non-emergency abortion.

The bill, which the House passed 95 to 51, now awaits a vote in the Senate. It does not make exceptions for abortions that follow rape, incest or fetal abnormalities.

 The lead author, Rep. John Smithee, R-Amarillo, defended the legislation, saying people who oppose abortion shouldn’t subsidize it through their health insurance plans, the Texas Tribune reported.

“This isn’t about who can get an abortion. It is about who is forced to pay for an abortion,” he said.

“This isn’t about who can get an abortion. It is about who is forced to pay for an abortion.”

– Texas state Rep. John Smithee

House Democrats sought to include exceptions for rape, incest and fetal abnormalities. They also tried to discard a provision preventing insurance companies from offering savings on supplemental health plans covering abortion.

But Republicans defeated all the suggested amendments.

Rep. Chris Turner, D-Fort Worth, claimed that asking women to get a supplemental abortion coverage plan amounts to deciding whether they wanted “rape insurance.”

“Women don’t plan to be raped. Parents don’t plan for their children to be victims of incest,” he said in the House chamber, the Tribune reported. “Asking a woman or a parent to foresee something like that and buy supplemental insurance to cover that horrific possibility is not only ridiculous, it is cruel.”

Rep. Donna Howard, D-Austin, also slammed the bill, saying the measure was a political stunt because few insurance plans cover abortions in the first place.

“What you are trying to prevent doesn’t exist,” she told Smithee.

Smithee fired back that the measure was needed to protect people with moral, religious and other objections from subsidizing abortions, the Tribune reported.

http://www.foxnews.com/us/2017/08/09/texas-house-oks-bill-to-block-insurance-coverage-for-abortions.html

Jamie Beers is an administrator for Hartford GYN Center, a health center that provides abortions in Connecticut. In May, a crisis pregnancy center (CPC) — an anti-abortion center that tries to persuade women away from getting abortions — moved into the same complex as Hartford GYN, going by the name Hartford Women’s Center. That CPC is run by St. Gerard’s Center for Life, and as Beers says, “they’ve made it very clear that their intention is to, in their own words, lure abortion-minded women into their center.”

I spoke with Beers about the CPC next door on a phone call in June for Elite Daily. St. Gerard’s Women’s Center had a grand opening in late May, complete with a priest’s blessing. The Hartford GYN Center worries about patients accidentally going to the St. Gerard’s center when they have appointments with Hartford GYN. They are concerned that women will not get the health care services that they need.

Hartford is just one story; there are thousands of others. Expose Fake Clinics, a national campaign that launched in July, is collecting testimonials about women’s experiences with CPCs and the harm they can cause.

CPCs exist across the country, often near health clinics that offer abortions. They are often run by religious people and work to convince vulnerable pregnant women not to get abortions by offering monetary, emotional, and medical support — which they may not actually be able to provide. A 2006 congressional report noted that 87 percent of CPCs “provided false or misleading information about the health effects of abortion.”

CPCs have been known to use names and signs similar to those of abortion clinics, assumedly to confuse patients into entering. Many CPCs receive funding from local governments, a practice which has been protested, and otherwise get funding from donations. St. Gerard’s gets funding from donations, including church collections.

St. Gerard’s Center for Life has been protesting outside of Hartford GYN for years in attempts to stop women from getting abortions.

a sign at jefferson court for the "hartford gyn center" and "hartford women's center"

Hartford GYN

“They come up holding signs and they talk to patients as they are entering the walkway, coming in for services. They will shame and harass them and they’ll say anything they can to get them to change their mind about seeking services,” Beers explains.

For their part, St. Gerard’s believes they are simply providing options for women who may feel forced to get an abortion by financial or personal circumstance, executive director Leticia Velasquez told me in an interview with Elite Daily in May.

“We know that many of the women walking to Hartford GYN… are feeling under pressure,” Velasquez says. “They feel that they have no choice and, ‘if this situation were lined up, I wouldn’t be doing this.’ We’ve heard this from several women who went there for abortions … We feel very strongly that women deserve true choice, and we need to offer it to them right where they are.”

When patients make it to Hartford GYN after facing the protesters outside, Beers says, “they’re confused.”

“They just want to come in, get their care, and instead they’re handed pamphlets or they’re encountered by people that they just don’t want to have to deal with,” Beers says. “And they’re being given false information and being told lies about abortion.”

CPCs may tell women that abortion causes breast cancer and will cause mental distress — both of which are false statements.

View image on Twitter

When patients enter the offices after hearing this false information, Hartford GYN’s providers “use this as an opportunity to talk with people and we provide our care in a non-judgmental environment,” Beers says.

Meanwhile, CPCs may claim to offer medical services that they’re not actually able to provide.

“They provide unlicensed and unreliable medical services like ultrasounds that are performed by untrained staff that fail to recognize legitimate issues and inaccurately date pregnancies,” Beers says. “They delay abortion care, which can mean an increase in barriers, cost, and travel. These fake clinics manipulate women by promising support that never materializes, and is not enough.”

And on the other side of the Hartford complex, Hartford GYN has real doctors.

“All of our doctors are licensed medical providers. They’re all board-certified doctors and nurses and providers,” Beers says. “We give all accurate medical information to our patients. We provide answers to the questions that they’re seeking – the care that they’re seeking.”

St. Gerard’s providers, on the other hand, are not quite at the same level.

Hartford GYN is worried for its patients’ health with the center next door.

The St. Gerard’s center has registered nurses volunteering with them, their executive director told me in May. In terms of medical help, the St. Gerard’s center will offer sonograms — and otherwise referrals to a nearby hospital.

“We know they don’t give the health care services that women are looking for, and the fact that they shame and stigmatize women and help to limit their options – that bothers me more than anything,” Beers says. “What we care about at Hartford GYN is that people can plan the pregnancies that they want. … We’re dedicating ourselves to caring for the patients once they walk through our doors, and it’s really unfortunate that we have to spend our time worrying about whether people will walk through the right doors in the first place.”

In an attempt to keep patients from St. Gerard’s, Hartford GYN has trained escorts helping patients get from the sidewalk to the building.

“At this point, we try really hard to tell them on the phone clear markers and how to enter the building,” Beers adds.

Beers wants patients to know that despite St. Gerard’s presence, “we are absolutely dedicated to caring for our patients once they walk through our doors.”

a sign with information about contraceptive options at the hartford gyn

Hartford GYN

“We are dedicated to providing compassionate, expert abortion care and other reproductive healthcare services to anybody that walks through our doors,” Beers says. “All of our physicians and all of our medical staff are licensed and completely qualified to provide medical care to all of our patients. We are compassionate, and everybody is dedicated to providing the best health care services they can possibly receive.”

While she’s comforting patients, Beers also has a message for St. Gerard’s.

“Truly supporting women to create the safe, healthy families they dream of means being honest with them and making sure they have all the information and health care they need to make decisions about what is best for them and their families — even if you don’t always agree with their decision,” Beers says she would tell the center’s staff. “We don’t always know a woman’s circumstances, we’re not in her shoes.”

http://elitedaily.com/news/politics/happens-crisis-pregnancy-center-moves-next-door-abortion-clinic/2034122/

Alex Wong/Getty Images News/Getty Images

Gillespie revealed his stance on Planned Parenthood, on the record, during a “Women for Ed Meet & Greet,” event at Q Barbecue in Glen Allen, Virginia. In the recorded video, Sarah Smith, 30, a Virginia resident who has benefited from Planned Parenthood services, can be seen asking Gillespie what his plans would be regarding public funding of Planned Parenthood, if elected to office.

Virginia’s state legislature is currently controlled by Republicans who support abortion restrictions. In 2016, Dem. Gov. Terry McAuliffe of Virginia vetoed legislation, passed by the Virginia General Assembly, to defund Planned Parenthood and restrict access to basic health care services for the 22,000 Virginians who rely on the organization’s health centers.

But, and as the state’s November general election inches closer, Smith says she’s grown increasingly concerned that Gillespie would divert public funds from Planned Parenthood if elected.

Instead of avoiding the question, like his usual style, Gillespie responded by publicly denouncing Planned Parenthood, stating in the video, “I would sign a bill that does not have taxpayer funding go to Planned Parenthood.”

“A Governor Gillespie would mean four years of dangerous attacks against the essential health care women in Virginia rely on.”

His office confirmed the action, noting that the women’s health organization has already voiced it’s support for Democrat Ralph Northam, the state’s sitting lieutenant governor. Planned Parenthood’s Virginia affiliate recently announced they plan to spend $3 million to help elect Northam to office. This is Gillespie’s second time running for office, after an unsuccessful bid against Democratic Senator Mark Warner in 2014.

“It’s no surprise that Planned Parenthood would spend millions of dollars on Ralph Northam’s behalf, given his extreme positions like supporting abortions in the eighth or ninth month or just because the unborn child is a girl. Most of Planned Parenthood’s funding comes from individual donors, and Ed does not support subsidizing their budget with taxpayer dollars,” David Abrams, spokesperson for Ed Gillespie’s campaign, told Bustle in a statement.

Illene Toudaleft on YouTube

Smith, who unsuccessfully ran for the Democratic seat for the House of Delegates in Virginia’s District 73 last November, says she went to the “meet and greet” to show support for Planned Parenthood, which was holding a peaceful protest against Gillespie outside of the restaurant. Around 30 people, including volunteers and local congressional candidates, came out to the event.

“We’ve become increasingly frustrated because he wouldn’t answer what his plans were as far as if he were to become governor, would he commit to making sure Planned Parenthood was funded or defunded,” Smith tells Bustle. “I was surprised when he actually answered [the question] but then the surprise was replaced with disappointment.”

Smith says she had a positive experience during a visit to Planned Parenthood last December for an annual wellness visit, influencing her decision to show support on the organization’s behalf Wednesday evening.

“A Governor Gillespie would mean four years of dangerous attacks against the essential health care women in Virginia rely on,” said Jennifer Allen, CEO of Planned Parenthood Virginia PAC and Planned Parenthood Virginia Advocates, in an official statement. “Gillespie’s plan could take away birth control, life saving cancer screenings, and HIV testing for the over 23,000 Virginians who depend on Planned Parenthood. Virginians will not stand for it and will send a clear message on election day.”

Planned Parenthood Advocates of Virginia will officially endorse Northam for governor on Thursday evening.

https://www.bustle.com/p/ed-gillespie-would-defund-planned-parenthood-in-virginia-74391

People have plenty of arguments against abortion, but one that consistently pops up from people who have no medical training or expertise to spout such facts is that having an abortion is unsafe.
Lady Parts Justice League, an organization that “uses comedy, culture and digital media to sound an alarm about the terrifying erosion of reproductive access,” created a new parody video to show just how ridiculous that argument is.
Because, as one of the hosts in the video says, when an abortion is done right, by a medical professional who was trained to perform an abortion, it’s actually safer than getting your wisdom teeth pulled.
The video is a spoof on the MythBusters series, using two guys who kind of look like Jamie and Adam from the show to break down the myth that abortions are unsafe. Rather than taking these random guys at their word, we’re introduced to Willie Parker, MD, a Christian doctor who performs abortions in Alabama.
Parker first takes down the idea that a medication abortion is unsafe.
“Medication abortion is simple, safe, and it happens at home,” he says in the video. “In fact, did you know that medication abortion is safer than using Viagra?”
While the “MythCrashers” guys attempt to hand Parker a pizza cutter to show us how it’s done, he says that even a real scalpel wouldn’t be necessary.
“90% of all abortions happen in the first trimester and there’s no cutting of any kind,” he said.
The MythCrashers guys we’re looking for something more exciting — something like an explosion — and they let Parker know that.
“Then I might be your guy,” he said. All he needs for an abortion is five minutes and a few simple tools.
If that isn’t enough to convince you, the MythCrashers also talked to Parker about the myth that having an abortion causes depression and infertility. Bottom line? “There is no link between abortion and depression or infertility.”
The whole video is a silly, tongue-in-cheek look at the misinformation surrounding abortions, but it’s important that these myths be debunked. The idea that having an abortion is unsafe could cause worry for people who may otherwise have no qualms about making that appointment.

I believe that if Democrats—not any one Democrat, and certainly not just me—want to start winning races again, Luján’s statement that the DCCC would fund candidates who oppose abortion rights puts our country in danger, and makes it all the more likely that the Republicans will continue to defeat us in election after election.

This may seem surprising. After all, Luján’s assertion that there will be no “litmus test” for Democratic candidates who oppose abortion seems like the kind of big-tent cliché with which it is hard to disagree. “As we look at candidates across the country,” Luján said yesterday, “you need to make sure you have candidates that fit the district, that can win in these districts across America.” But we Democrats also need to stand firm on some basic principles, for a change. Like: Health care is a human right. And: The right to plan her own family is a cornerstone of a woman’s economic security. So yes, we realize that we live in a huge and diverse country, and that our party is huge and diverse as well. We can acknowledge that there are anti-abortion Democrats, just as there are pro-choice Republicans (including the state rep who represents my Houston district). While Luján’s position seems to embrace that reality, it actually does the opposite. For all the hand-wringing about what we Democrats can do to reach more voters, many Americans still see us as the “anti-Trump party.” That is true, and to our credit. But what they don’t see is Democrats taking firm stands in support of our values, and that’s the crux of the reason why we keep losing so many elections.

We’re still the party that was in favor of gay rights but—for far too long—wasn’t quite in favor of marriage equality. We’re the party that promotes racial equality, but helped bring about the mass incarceration of African Americans. We’re the party that denounces income inequality, but still snuggles up to Goldman Sachs at every possible opportunity. The base of the Democratic party has lost its tolerance for these numbing equivocations: We embrace values that might best be summed up as “treating people decently.” We believe in economic fairness; in racial and religious equality; in LGBT rights. We believe that all men—and women—are created equal. These aren’t controversial matters that we need to poll-test or focus-group. Wherever we derive these values, from our religious heritage or from our fidelity to the American heritage of freedom and justice for all, we shouldn’t constantly be negotiating them.

And we, women and men both, don’t believe that women’s fundamental rights should be nibbled away around the edges. We believe that abortion is healthcare, a fundamental human right that the majority of Americans, regardless of party affiliation, support, and that the Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed.

When the Democrats unveiled their “Better Deal” last week, they focused on economic policies related to job creation, wages, and income inequality. That’s all well and good, but they left abortion rights off the table, and what is abortion if not an economic issue? Women know this, especially poor ones. And, in the state of Texas, which has the highest maternal mortality rate in the industrialized world, access to healthcare—and yes, to abortion—can be the difference between life and death.

 We recognize that different candidates have different beliefs, not just on abortion, but on a huge range of issues. Still, a statement from one of our most powerful party leaders serves as a proxy statement of our values. Wishy-washy equivocations—and not just on abortion, but on immigration, on civil rights, on income inequality—weaken all of us. I always think of an old saying: If voters are given the choice between a real Republican and a fake Republican, they’ll choose the real Republican every time.

I refuse to believe that most Americans (or even most Republicans) can look at today’s GOP and see their own values reflected in its erratic leader. But even though, as we Democrats are fond of repeating, our values are the values of the majority of Americans, Trump won because so many people stayed home. And why did they stay home? Because they didn’t really believe that we believed what we said we believed. And why should they, when we keep compromising and hedging?

Let’s not forget who the most reliable Democratic voters are—women of color, who are most likely to suffer the consequences of Democrats “compromising” on reproductive rights. Texas Latinas are twice as likely to be uninsured and lack healthcare access as white women in Texas, and nationwide, black women are four times as likely to die from pregnancy-related complications as white women. And one more thing: Who has powered the resistance against Trump, and who will inevitably be the most motivated voters in the next election? Women. I was initially shocked to discover that my own resistance group, Daily Action, was 86 percent female, but it’s consistent with all the other data about the postelection landscape. We are the ones showing up and marching and placing calls and fighting to take back our country while our party heads fiddle.

It’s a truism to say that my state, Texas, isn’t a red state: It’s a nonvoting state. We consistently rank in the bottom five states in the country in voter turnout. Perhaps Texans, especially the Democrats among us, stay at home because they don’t have any clear sense of what we stand for. I have one idea of how to get more Democratic women to polling stations: Stand up for them. Let’s cut out the whimpering and stop reducing us to an “interest group.”

We are the base of the Democratic party, so let’s start talking about what happens in states like mine where reproductive rights have been attacked and eroded over and over and over again, and let’s start defending women’s rights to make their own decisions about their health and families. And let’s extend the principle of treating people decently—regardless of their sex, religion, race, or sexuality—and start talking to them like adults. It’s about time we had some of those in Washington.

http://www.vogue.com/article/dccc-litmus-test-abortion-stand-up-for-women-instead?utm_source=nar.al&utm_medium=urlshortener&utm_campaign=FB

Both Lives Matter has got away with a misleading ad. But using the language of human rights can’t hide its true agenda: subjugating Northern Ireland’s women
Both Lives Matter poster in Northern Ireland, saying '100,000 people are alive today because of our laws on abortion'
 In response to complaints about this advert, the ASA said it ‘considered that 100,000 was a large, round number that readers would typically associate with estimates’. Photograph: Both Lives Matter/PA

It’s a fairly large number, 100,000, but nice and round. Easy to compute. Most of us could even divide it by 10, at a push. Apparently it is this convenient roundedness that led the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) this week to dismiss complaints about recent claims on a billboard that Northern Ireland’s abortion laws have saved “100,000” lives. In its statement, the ASA said: “We considered that 100,000 was a large, round number that readers would typically associate with estimates” – and was therefore unproblematic.

Funded by a campaign called Both Lives Matter, the billboard prompted 14 complaints, but the ASA decided that its assertion was not misleading – despite the campaign admitting that it is not possible to calculate an exact figure, although its estimate is both “credible” and “conservative”.

It is not just the advertisement that is misleading and offensive, but also the very name of the campaign behind the billboard.

Describing itself as “pro-women and pro-life”, Both Lives Matter is a recent addition to the Northern Ireland anti-choice landscape, where abortion is permitted only if a woman’s life is at risk or there is a very serious risk to her mental or physical health. Fatal foetal abnormalities and pregnancies resulting from sexual crime such as rape or incest are not included.

And yet, somehow, in all its talk of “both” lives mattering during a crisis pregnancy, the campaign fails ever to mention the pregnant woman. What is happening to that person’s life – their body, their dreams, their finances, their mental health – is, for a campaign seemingly more intent on oppressing women than liberating them, nothing more than a word association game meant to draw a provocative parallel with a real struggle for civil rights.

Playing on Black Lives Matter is not just cynical, it’s offensive. A campaign started by three black women – Patrisse Cullors, Alicia Garza and Opal Tometi – to highlight the gross injustice and racial dimensions of police brutality in the US, it owes much of its strength not only to the mothers of the men and women killed by police, but to women of colour writ large, who bear the brunt of America’s institutionalised racism and sexism. The concept of reproductive rights and reproductive justice, which goes far beyond the simple right to choose whether or not to continue with a pregnancy, is integral to Black Lives Matter, because it also means the right to parent your child in a safe environment without fear – something consistently denied to black families by police and institutional injustice.

Defined by the Sister Song Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective as “the human right to maintain personal bodily autonomy, have children, not have children, and parent the children we have in safe and sustainable communities,” reproductive justice as a concept was developed by women of colour who saw many of their communities challenged not just by an absence of accessible abortion, but by poverty, racism and discrimination.

It is often poor women of colour whose access to reproductive healthcare is most affected by anti-abortion laws in states such as Texas, where the recent HB2 law increased the distance to the nearest abortion clinic by more than 100 miles in some places. This can be an insurmountable burden for women with low incomes, often women of colour, and is a pattern being repeated across America.

Concepts such as reproductive justice and campaigns such as Black Lives Matter are a response to oppression and domination. There are parallels to be drawn with abortion access in Northern Ireland, but it is not the one that anti-abortion protesters attempt to make. Rather, it is an understanding of how human rights might be used to liberate communities, rather than excuse and justify their oppression.

The hijacking of such a powerful concept by the Both Lives Matter campaign is a cynical attempt to spin the language of human rights into froth to hide their true agenda – the subjugation of women. An appropriation of intersecting oppressions, Both Lives Matter neither cares about women’s lives, nor shares an affinity with Black Lives Matter – beyond using a powerful rallying cry for human rights as a cover to maintain the marginalisation of women in Northern Ireland.

It is perhaps beyond the remit of the ASA to name this for what it is. But it is not beyond ours.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/aug/04/anti-abortion-hijack-black-lives-matter-both-lives-matter-advert-northern-ireland?utm_source=esp&utm_medium=Email&utm_campaign=GU+Today+USA+-+Collections+2017&utm_term=238146&subid=15007573&CMP=GT_US_collection