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March 18, 2014

Anti-Abortion Discrimination in the Media: Reality, Contrived, or a Function of Branding? Part 3 of 3

Posted by Kimmie Farrell under Abortion Advocates, Abortion Blog, Abortion Clinic, Abortion Crisis Pregnancy Centers, Abortion Discussion, Abortion Doctor, Abortion lies, Abortion Medical, Abortion MisInformation, Abortion Rights, Abortion Stigma, Abortion.com Facebook | Tags: Abortion, media bias, pro-choice semantics, pro-life discrimination, pro-life semantics, words |
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By K.J. Farrell

Part 1 of this series focused on concern that the anti-abortion movement has with numbers in their claims that the media discriminates against them. Part 2 focused on news coverage and extremist branding. Part 3 concerns semantics and will end hopefully enlightening you about abortion-related discrimination that does exist in media.

Semanticssemantics

All who have worked in the trenches of abortion know that each side has preferred terms for how they are described.  Readers here know the arguments well. My own bias deems pro-choice terms as sensible or logical and anti-choice terms as manipulative or deceptive to downright maniacal. I only spend time and space on semantics because the terms used by media continue to be highlighted by anti-choicers as evidence of discrimination.

Pro-Choice Includes Pro-Life

In polls about abortion, people can be unsure whether they identify as pro-life or pro-choice. Many who choose the pro-life identity also believe that abortion should remain legal or that Roe vs. Wade should not be overturned. The term, “pro-life”, causes confusion, which explains why on occasion there will be reports about a “shift” among the public to the “pro-life position.” When the poll is looked at in detail, the majority support legal abortion with variations in restrictions.

The fundamental problem with referring to anti-abortion organizations or people as pro-life remains, that time and again they demonstrate that they are pro-fetal life; they are pro-birth. Thus, it makes the most sense to refer to them as anti-abortion or anti-choice. There is no evidence that their “support” is extended beyond the duration of pregnancy for women that took their advice and gave birth, thinking that “sidewalk counselors” or deceptive Crisis Pregnancy Centers would actually help them beyond giving birth. Even the help offered to women who choose adoption is limited. All who consider themselves pro-choice are pro-life; they value living beings, meaningful contributions in life, comprehensive reproductive healthcare, sex education, and the ability of women to choose for themselves the appropriate response to their pregnancies or to prevent pregnancy completely.

If the media referred to one group as “pro-life”, it would falsely imply that the other group was not pro-life. Although “pro-choice” is inclusive of all views, it is not used. The media generally uses “anti-abortion” and “pro-abortion rights” or “abortion foes” and “abortion rights proponents”. Neither side is completely satisfied although such terms offer clarity to dispassionate readers.

getting-caught-up-with-semantics-L-cvyQN3Restrictive vs. Protective / Abortionist vs. Doctor, Etc.

In recent years, anti-abortion organizations have failed in their attempts to market restrictive legislation as “protective” and claim the media is discriminating. The media uses “restrictive” when any legislation is proposed that creates new barriers to an existing policy or law. For example, when states increased the drinking age from 18 to 21, the media did not refer to the laws as “protective” of the commuting public.

In short, it is impossible for the media to semantically satisfy anti-abortion people and organizations. A fetus is not a baby. “Partial birth abortion” might evoke emotion; the medical term is “late term abortion”.  Media refers to doctors who travel between clinics as “contract physicians” and while some abortion providers do not mind being referred to as an abortionist in the same spirit of other “ists” (oncologist, gynecologist, and so on), it can imply negativity thanks to the anti-abortion movement’s portrayal of abortion providers as unprofessional, unsavory, not-real doctors.

Words do count. Their meaning – semantics – influences perception, which then influences policy. The media does not discriminate against the anti-choice movement through semantics. Rather, the media is being fair and responsible. Period.

The Real Discrimination in the Mediafilm

For all the attention given to media discrimination and bias towards the anti-abortion movement, discrimination against abortion actually is a concern. It has always been irksome to see male politicians conduct Congressional hearings about abortion and contraception, usually excluding women from testifying. A couple of years ago, the Daily Beast reported that a study by The 4th Estate found that, “Among 35 major national publications…men had 81 percent of the quotes in stories about abortion… In stories about birth control, men scored 75 percent of the quotes…” Why is that? There are plenty of females in leadership positions quite capable of talking about abortion and birth control.

In January, 2014 various online publications, including the reproductive health journal, Contraception, reported the results of research concerning abortion-related plots in American film and television during 1916-2013.  Conducted by University of California, San Francisco’s Abortion Onscreen Program, the research concluded in part, “Patterns of outcomes and rates of mortality are not representative of real experience and may contribute to social myths around abortion.” Slate (1/17/14) also reported on the study, “…Hollywood grossly exaggerates the risk of abortion…” and quoted a researcher commenting, “The linking of abortion and death can be very salient in the public’s mind. It just creates this social myth of abortion as more dangerous than it actually is.” The Abortion Onscreen Program’s website states that, of 385 abortion-related plotlines, “…these depictions contribute to social myths about abortion, abortion providers, and abortion patients, they can have real effects on women’s experience of seeking abortion care. Media studies scholars argue that cultural representations have political effects as well…”  The evidence is clear. It is also empirical. There is media discrimination involving abortion – it most definitely is not against the anti-abortion/anti-choice movement. Anti-choice organizations long ago branded themselves as they have; their accusations about media bias are contrived and only serve to reinforce their branding.

CiderHouseRulesAfter reading through the research and numerous reports interpreting its content, I was reminded of John Irving’s Cider House Rules (1985), made into a movie in 1999. Dr. Wilbur Larch, the director of an orphanage, secretly provides abortions after seeing the devastating results of those done in back alleys. Homer Wells, who grew up in the orphanage and loved Dr. Larch as if he was his father, trained to become an obstetrician but he thought abortion was wrong. He eventually decides to do as Dr. Larch and perform abortions, hoping that one day they would be legal and other doctors would provide them. How abortion was treated in the book and the film was greeted with mixed thought. In reality, Irving presented abortion to us with a tone of, well, reality. Is it too much to ask the same from Hollywood today?

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January 31, 2014

Anti-Abortion Discrimination in the Media: Reality, Contrived, or a Function of Branding?

Posted by Kimmie Farrell under Abortion, Abortion & Religion, Abortion Advocates, Abortion Blog, Abortion Discussion, Abortion lies, Abortion Medical, Abortion MisInformation, Abortion.com Facebook | Tags: Abortion, Abortion Rights, anti-abortion discrimination, anti-abortion protests, March for Life, media bias, Roe V Wade |
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Part 1 of 3

By K.J. Farrell

The argument that the media discriminates against the anti-abortion movement is alarming. Those who value the first amendment want open and robust discourse on all perspectives of important issues, particularly those that profoundly impact public policy, like abortion.

Does media discriminate against the anti-abortion movement? This three-part series will address the basis of the claims, and conclude by illustrating bias that clearly does exist – just not necessarily how people on either side of the abortion issue might think.

Hopefully this series will motivate people towards more thoughtfulness about how they regard media bias in the future.

The Numbers Game

NumbersOne of the more interesting facets of the anti-abortion discrimination claims over the years involves numbers. The numbers that attended a march or rally. The number of buses with church insignia. The number of counter protests and of their participants. The number of children counted as participants.

The Washington Post, nor any other major news source, provided a count of the participants at the 1/22/2014 annual anti-abortion event to protest Roe v. Wade. Multiple online searches revealed coverage of the protest and companion events elsewhere, none with an attendance figure for Washington, DC.

Columnist Dana Milbank estimated that about 25,000 attended – a dramatic decrease from last year, attributable at least in part to the frigid temperatures. (On that note, Milbank’s reminds readers of “religious conservatives” requesting prayers for rain to hit President Obama’s nomination acceptance event in 2008, believing that “…hurricanes, earthquakes and other meteorological phenomena were divine punishment of wayward humans.”)

Why do numbers mean so much to the anti-abortion crowd? Over 20 years ago when survey data was interpreted as evidence of media bias favoring the pro-choice position, most news organizations took notice and established policies for abortion-related coverage. Anti-abortion organizations insist that the bias continues, including deflating attendance figures. They now assert bias each time the media reporting is not in sync with their independent data, whatever it involves.

What can be concluded from the lack of an attendance figure in the coverage of the 1/22/14 event? The coverage itself will be addressed in the next post – attendance is the issue for now.

So disconcerting the claims of discrimination have been, if an official government agency does not provide a count for abortion-related events, news organizations avoid estimating. No editor wants to be inundated with email or phone “trees”, usually organized by churches, requesting corrections.

Let’s be realistic for a moment. No matter the issue or event, organizers and participants always want an image of large attendance. It is energizing and motivating. When turnout is less than expected or promoted, it can be demoralizing. But, media cannot be blamed for a poor turnout or using the official figure provided by a legitimate agency.  They likely excluded an attendance figure for the 1/22/14 protest because they did not have one or, if Milbank was correct, media did not want to prompt unproductive calls if offense was taken at a generic statement about the decrease. Protest supporters publicized a count of “hundreds of thousands” although conservative Breitbart.com stated that a crowd count was not done, which is a first. Numbers truly provoke sensitivity.

Demographic numbers can draw anti-abortion ire. When the public reads, “…at least 50% of the marchers [were] under 18, as busloads of Catholic school kids descend on the capitol…” (CNN), followed by reports that many are home-schooled and have flexibility to attend, or that students from religious colleges coalesced for bus trips to DC, it affects perceptions about crowd size and the true level of support. Anti-abortion leaders argue that the large number of youth leads to dedicated adults later. Maybe. Maybe not.  Many children will grow up and disagree with their parents about abortion just as many church parishioners will later join churches that support reproductive rights for women.

JesusReference to high numbers of elderly, low numbers of minorities, and the dominant numbers of clergy also offends. Anti-abortion lobbyists insist that their position is aligned with the overwhelming majority of Americans no matter their social, ethnic, religious, economic, educational, or generational status. While they do not deny religious affiliations, the contributions religious leaders make to mobilizing for the issue are not always highlighted.  To do so would acknowledge that the anti-abortion movement is indeed steeped in specific religious values, not every day American sentiment. Reports and photos of anti-abortion event participants contradict their claims.

Finally, anti-abortion organizations look at the numbers of column inches or minutes of air time given to events or views. Although the 1/22/14 protest in DC was covered by all major news sources, there was still complaint. Apparently the extremely frigid weather was not as newsworthy as the same protest that has taken place on the same date each year in the same place.

While numbers may have meaning to the anti-abortion movement, news resources are allocated to that which is newsworthy. It is highly improbable that editors and producers conspire to discriminate against the anti-abortion movement. After 41 years of protests against Roe v. Wade, media rarely comes across a new angle. The models of fetuses might be higher tech and there may be new messaging and image strategies. Neither adds newsworthy content.

The one number that has changed dramatically concerns legislative initiatives taking place in the states. You can believe that the anti-abortion movement is keeping track. Should the pro-choice movement match the count with their own initiatives?

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